Friday, May 8, 2015

Great Chinese Diversion

Indian Express  
TUESDAY, APR 21, 2015

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Great Chinese diversion
  M.S.Menon
India China, china water project, china yellow river project, china water diversion project, River Brahmaputra, Brahmaputra waters, China  South-North Diversion project, China, , indian express column, ie column,M.S. Menon columnIndia must be prepared to deal with China’s plans to divert Brahmaputra waters.
Published on:April 21, 2015 12:14 am
Recently, China announced the opening of the “central route” of the South-North Water Diversion Project, which is to transfer water from the Yellow River to the country’s arid north. The project, costing $33 billion, is supposed to carry 9.5 billion cubic metres of water (BCM) annually to meet the demands of Beijing and other areas. The “eastern route” of the project was opened last year to transport water north from the Yangtze River to Shandong province. According to Chinese officials, the entire project, which is slated to have three routes, namely, the eastern, central and western, would be able to address the chronic water shortage in the northern states.
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·         As The Brahmaputra Bends
China has uneven spatial distribution of water. As a result, for decades, the country has grappled with water and power shortages. During the 1970s, a Chinese general, Guo Kai, is even reported to have proposed that 200 nuclear warheads be launched at the Himalayas to blast a two kilometre-wide air tunnel that would divert the Indian monsoon and meet China’s water needs. Subsequently, he had even toyed with the idea of using Tibet’s waters, particularly from the Brahmaputra. The plan was to divert water from the “Great Bend” of the river.
With its burgeoning population, increased industrial development, higher demand from agriculture and pollution in the rivers aggravating its woes, the country turned its attention to exploiting the huge potential of the water-rich Tibetan region to overcome the looming crisis.
The proposal to divert waters from the south to the dry north was borne out of these compulsions and studies that grew out of them.
Of the three links envisaged by the the South-North Water Diversion Project, the central and eastern routes have already started functioning. At the moment, China is contemplating taking up the western route. This last route is a modified version of Guo’s dream project, which involved the construction of a mega structure at the Great Bend and a tunnel through the Himalayas to divert water and generate power, which could also be used to pump water. In 2003, the official Chinese news agency, Xinhua, had detailed plans for the Tsangpo (which is the Brahmaputra in Tibet) Water Diversion Project. These plans had two components — first, a power plant with an installed capacity of more than 40,000 MW in the Medok area of the Nyingchi Prefecture to use the potential of the river at the Great Bend, where it takes a sharp u-turn before entering India, and second, diversion of water to the provinces of Xingjiang and Gansu.
Also, according to recent reports, China has constructed a highway, stretching 141 kilometres and linking Bome to Medok city, to facilitate the movement of heavy construction machinery and materials. It has also completed an airstrip in this prefecture, at an altitude of 2,949 metres. Though China has denied, all along, anyplans for the diversion of the Brahmaputra, the fact that the South-North DiversionProject is slated to ultimately have three routes, with a total estimated cost of $81 billion, is indicative of the Chinese intention to take up the western route next. The State Grid Corporation of China’s map for 2020 also shows the Great Bend area connected to the rest of the country’s power supply.
Though our neighbour had been assuring us that its projects will not have any impact on Indian projects downstream, we should not rest easy with these assurances. India has to act fast to ensure that its riparian rights and other interests are protected.
Unfortunately, in spite of experts recommending the construction of a high dam across the Siang (or Brahmaputra) downstream to contain the impact of Chineseprojects on our habitats and our development schemes, Indian authorities have been going slow on implementing this project. They cite the objections raised by a newbreed of activists and environmental groups, which wage a relentless war against the project to protect their interests. But we should not lose sight of the strategic importance and disaster mitigation aspects of the Siang project just to appease these groups. We have to complete the project on a war footing in order to be prepared to meet any situation that arises from China’s plan to divert the Brahmaputra.

The writer is former member secretary, Indian National Committee on Irrigation and Drainage
editpage@expressindia.com

Indus Waters Treaty Needs Review

The Indus Waters Treaty-  Changed Ground Realities Necessitate  A Review

M.S.Menon.
Former Chief Engineer, Central Water Commission
(Journal of the United Service Institution  of India, Vol.CXLIV,No.597, July- September, 2014)
Introduction.
The history of the  Indus Waters Treaty (IWT)entered into by India and Pakistan is the tragic  story of a water sharing agreement that began with hope , but continued in precipitating the disputes, as demonstrated by the events that followed. IWT was signed in 1960 by the two countries  at the instance of the World Bank with the aim of achieving  the optimum development and utilisation of the Indus  waters. However, it failed miserably not only in accomplishing the objectives, but also in settling the disputes between the two for more than 5 decades since its inception . With China also claiming its rights in the basin, it is high time the Treaty is reviewed to include the aspects of modern technologies ,environmental  issues and equitable water allocation, lack of which is causing the continued bickerings. Instead of waiting for the simmering hostile situation erupting to volcanic proportions, we should prevail on our neighbour to agree and review the Treaty provisions to ensure peaceful neighbourly relations. 
Back ground of the dispute.
The Indus basin drains an area of about 1.2 million square kms. of which 13% lies in Tibet and Afghanistan, 28% in India and 59% in Pakistan. It has an average  annual yield of 207 billion cubic metres (BCM). Partition resulted in the division of the Indus basin between India and Pakistan in 1947, creating disputes on the sharing of the Indus waters. Continued negotiations between the two held under the auspices of the World Bank ultimately culminated in the signing of the IWT (1). While the Bank brokered the Treaty, it was not a guarantor, but had certain responsibilities  for its smooth functioning. The USA also played an important supporting role in closing the deal.(2)
The Treaty allocated , with some restrictions, all the waters of the Western rivers (tributaries) -  the Indus main, Jhelum and Chenab  to Pakistan and the waters of the three Eastern rivers (tributaries)- the Sutlej, Beas and Ravi- to India. While Pakistan got 80% of the Indus waters, India got only 20% under this allocation. Though the Treaty had exhaustive provisions for its working including  for a dispute resolution mechanism, it did not provide for future advancement in technologies and environment related requirements, neither  any general principle of law  for the future .  The lack of such provisions and misinterpretations of the clauses provided in the IWT became the root cause for many disputes that arose soon after the Treaty came into operation. Interestingly, while other similar international treaties executed elsewhere had a fixed period of validity, the IWT had no such fixed time frame and exit option.
Further, provision for getting the optimal  benefits from the Indus waters was ignored in the agreement , since the storages permitted in the Indian projects were much less than the capacity available at the sites. Also the aspect of inland navigation had also not been considered in the Treaty, even though  these waterways were used for the purpose in the past. Hence  the Treaty failed to make the requisite provisions to ensure the optimum development and utilisation of the Indus waters, as declared in the Preamble of the IWT.
The Treaty brokered by the World Bank was hailed by interested groups as a model for international water sharing agreements since, as per their version, it employed the principle of reasonable  and equitable usage of water between the upstream (India) and downstream (Pakistan) states with each getting 3 of the 6 tributaries of the river. Also, they claimed that it survived 2 wars and many war-like situations between the two countries because of its built in resilience.
Biased Provisions in the Treaty
A perusal of the basis of water allocation in IWT would indicate that only six tributaries of the Indus system were accounted for allocation of the waters, while an important tributary, the Kabul  river was excluded from  consideration, thus  permitting Pakistan unbridled use of its waters also. Further,  a false impression has been created of apparently equal share distribution by equally dividing the six tributaries.  In fact the allotment should have been made on equitable basis according to the quantum of water carried by the rivers rather than equally dividing the tributaries. Parameters creating legal and equity rights in water sharing as per the then existing international practices  should have been considered for  water sharing such as - the existing cultivable area, population dependent on the river system, drainage area, length of the river beds etc. in each of the co -basin states. If this basis was adopted while allocating the waters, India would have got more than 40% of the Indus waters(3) . Thus India was deprived of its legitimate share of the waters needed to meet the increasing  demands of its farmers in Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan situated within the Indus basin.
The claim that the Treaty could survive 2 wars and many war scares due to the inbuilt resilience in the agreement, is also far from facts.  India had willingly accommodated many of the unreasonable demands of its neighbour, even at the risk of slowing down the infrastructure plans for J&K. But this spirit of accommodation has been taken as our weakness by Pakistan and encouraged it to make the Indian proposals a subject of endless debate, thereby impeding their implementation. Hence even after 5 decades, due to Pakistan’s interference, India has been able to develop hardly 20% of the hydropower potential of 8769MW from its share in the Western rivers.
If we delve deep into the principles of water  allocation and other  provisions in the Treaty, it would be clear that the real facts on the much hyped Treaty are concealed and buried under a mountain of rhetoric and the Treaty provisions are biased  in favour of Pakistan. Our neighbour has been always objecting to the Indian projects in a language couched in non-constructive application of the provisions. The costly alternatives suggested by them ignored sound engineering economics and practices, and India had been pointing out  all such anomalies.  Hence, to claim that the Treaty has outlived the tempests of history is a blasphemy; and to extol it as a model for principles  of water sharing and utilisation is a sacrilege.
Using the loopholes in the Treaty, Pakistan has succeeded in stalling and delaying Indian projects planned on the Western rivers. Initially, India did agree to many of the demands of her neighbour just to maintain good relations. For example, it agreed to close the sluices of the Salal project as demanded by Pakistan, knowing fully well that such an action would shorten the project life due to heavy silting of the reservoir. The construction activities for Wular (Tulbul) project, a scheme to facilitate cheap inland water transport to the apple growers  of interior  J&K were also stopped as our neighbour  wanted more discussions on the subject. The project has come to a dead stop  as Pakistan continues to make it  a subject of endless debate and  is still to accept the proposals made by India.
Baglihar Project and the Dispute Resolution by World Bank
The Baglihar project ,upstream of the Salal project across the Chenab was the next to come under the attack from Pakistan. Though India gave all the details sought by Pakistan, that country continued with its allegations of India flouting the Treaty provisions. Many meetings and discussions at the level of Permanent Indus Commissioners and even at Secretary level later, Pakistan unilaterally took up the matter with the World Bank charging India with the flouting of IWT and seeking an appointment of a Neutral Expert(NE) to examine the issues. The construction of the project got delayed and costs got escalated due to this.On the basis of written and oral presentations made by the two countries, the Neutral Expert permitted  India to go ahead with the project after carrying out some minor modifications.
Pakistan was unhappy with the decisions of the NE  for allowing India to complete the Baglihar project. In the meanwhile, due to mismanagement of its water resources, many parts were experiencing water scarcity in that country. The government was being criticised for giving preferential treatment to north Punjab areas by depriving water to other states and for its failure to build and maintain adequate storages to meet the shortages. To divert public attention, Islamabad  attempted to hoist the Indus waters issue in the framework of the Composite Dialogue Process in the international forum. From past experience, Pakistan had learnt  that by accusing India of impeding the Indus flows with projects in violation of the IWT provisions, it could get the sympathy not only from its people but also from the International community. Though there was the provision in IWT for a mechanism, the Permanent Indus Commission, to settle recurring disputes between the two countries , our neighbour knew that raising the issue in a different forum would be a politically safe move to get public support and thwart Indian attempts in taking up projects on the Western rivers.
As this approach did not succeed, Pakistan resorted to initiate a media war blaming India for causing hardship to its farmers. It hoped that such an accusation on the upper riparian, India, would get them the support of  India- baiters who would jump into the fray to tarnish India’s image using, information, disinformation and even information derived from questionable sources. Always being ready to oblige our neighbour, these critics vilified India  for harassing Pakistan for using the monsoon river flow to fill the then approved Baglihar project reservoir, thereby causing water scarcity downstream. India clarified that the reservoir filling was done  within the period stipulated  as permitted in the Treaty to enable the commissioning of the already delayed project. Otherwise, it would have to wait for  one more year for the scheduled period of filling, thereby causing  further delay of one more year in getting the project benefits. Also water downstream was not in short supply as per flow records and even one of their ministers had lamented then about the water being  wasted by the farmers.
Pakistan continued to make a hue and cry alleging that India had blocked water through various dams on the Western rivers for its hydroelectric power generation, thereby causing reduction in flows downstream. However, India continued to clarify in all meetings  that IWT had permitted unrestricted power generation on these rivers  as per the criteria specified in the Treaty and information on  all  projects were supplied to Pakistan. Still India was not  able to even take up many of these projects due to the objections raised by Pakistan.
Kishanganga Project and Intervention by International Court of Arbitration.
 After failing in its attempt to stall the Baglihar project, Pakistan now turned to accuse India of violating the Treaty provisions in taking up the construction of the Kishanganga hydro –project (KHP) in the Jhelum basin. The project envisages construction of a run –of –the- river project across the Kishanganga river, a tributary of the Jhelum. The  ponded waters would be diverted  through a tunnel and powerhouse again to the main Jhelum river and in the process would generate 330 MW of power using a drop of 297 metres.   As the diverted water from the Jhelum would return back to the main river, India ensured that Pak’s share of Jhelum would remain unaffected.
The project details were furnished to Islamabad during the ninetees as per treaty provisions. As expected, our neighbour protested insisting that  the Indian project affected their existing interests downstream and also their proposed Neelum Jhelum project downstream of the KHP. Instead of giving details of their uses. Pakistan continued to harp on Treaty violations by India to attract World Bank intervention. In 2010, it instituted arbitral proceedings against India requesting the World Bank that a Court of Arbitration (CoA) be set up  to determine the permissibility of India constructing the KHP by diverting Jhelum waters. Since our neighbour had failed to get the support of a technical neutral expert on Baglihar project, it presumed that  legal experts of the Arbitration Court would decide favourably on technical matters of KHP.
Pakistan had raised two techno-legal issues; first regarding the violation of the Treaty by India proposing the inter tributary diversion of the flows thereby causing a reduction in the Jhelum flows;  second, questioning whether India  could draw down the water level to flush out sediments. India asserted that it had every right to transfer waters between the tributaries of the Jhelum so long it did not reduce the flows in the Jhelum. It also pointed out that desilting by flushing is an essential part of any project built across rivers carrying heavy silt load during monsoons.
After hearing the arguments from both the parties, the Arbitration Court , gave its interim award(4) in February, 2013, permitting India to proceed with KHP on 2 conditions- when operating the project, India has to maintain  a minimum flow in the river and, India should not operate the reservoir below the dead storage level even for flushing out the deposited silt. The quantum of the minimum flow would be given in the final verdict after the parties furnished additional information on issues sought by the CoA. The final verdict  of the Court given on 21st December, 2013 further confirmed the verdict .
Pakistan was  desperate. Hence it initiated a media war (5)blaming India for choking its agriculture by construction of storages on the Western rivers violating the Treaty provisions. It succeeded again in roping in India detractors who were ready to ignite the incendiary hydropolitics in the subcontinent. These cynics, making a special study of the Indian projects on the Chenab river, floated the concept of ‘manipulable storage’ and indicated that India had planned 1700million cubic metres (mcm)of  manipulable storage capacity in its projects on the Chenab river alone. They warned that with this storage India could withhold 40 days of river flow during lean season and deprive the lower riparian its much needed water. However, the assumptions made while computing the estimate were found to be questionable and the results derived there from were highly exaggerated. For example, the ‘manipulable storage’ estimated in the 390 MW Dulhasti project in the Chenab using the same logic is 95 mcm, whereas the gross storage actually provided in the project is only about 9 mcm.-one tenth of the computed value! Further, the presumption that India would first deplete all its storage to refill the reservoirs with lean season flows to spite Pakistan does not stand to reason since it ignored the substantial revenue loss of millions of dollars India would suffer by shutting down power generation just for harassing  Pakistan!
Though India was happy that the Court upheld its right to divert the water within the same basin, it  could not accept the restrictions put forth on reservoir operations which  shortened the life of the project due to heavy silting and the directions on minimum flows which affected the economics of project operation. It was evident that CoA had gone beyond the IWT provisions, choosing to apply recent  environmental laws to include the aspects of minimum flows in a river, but ignoring the present day  international  practices for desilting reservoirs by lowering water levels below the dead storage level. Hence the Court’s final decision was tilted in favour of Pakistan. The Indian projects  planned or under construction would prove uneconomical because of the ruling now given by the Court  which would make the projects uneconomical.
Chinese Projects in the Upper Indus Basin.
In the  meanwhile, China has also staked its rights on the Indus waters by constructing the Zada Gorge project in Upper Sutlej. It has also reportedly constructed a project at Senge Ali in the Upper Indus river ( 6). This situation was not anticipated while signing the IWT in 1960. These projects would drastically reduce the river flows downstream upsetting the working of the Treaty. However, China is not concerned with it as it is not a party to the Treaty. If the river flows downstream get affected, Pakistan and its sympathisers would still blame India and continue their vituperative attacks.
Needed a Review of the Treaty.
The disenchantment with the Treaty  is growing in India due to the biased allocations of the waters, and with global warming altering weather patterns,  fresh water availability is also being affected in the basin. The  recent decision of the Arbitration Court arming Pakistan with additional powers to object to our projects has further enhanced the circumstances leading to trigger conflicts .
The root cause for any conflict is the scarcity of the resource as per studies carried out by David Zhang (7),based on the data of more than 8000 wars that took place in the past, and in this case water is the scarce resource. However, war is certainly not the only option for India to settle water disputes when other options are available.
The operation of the IWT during the last five decades has revealed that it has only perpetuated the Indus dispute. It could survive the flash points all these years only because India acquiesced to the tantrums of its neighbour. A review of the Treaty is therefore essential considering its inequity in water allocation and inherent ambiguity in the clauses giving undue benefit to Pakistan. It is time for us to insist for the review of the Treaty. If Islamabad does not cooperate, India should revoke article 62 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969, which permits terminating or withdrawing from the Treaty due to fundamental change of circumstances (8). The circumstances have changed with China entering the scene.  India should not allow Pakistan to sabotage its projects any further, using the provisions of an outdated Treaty supported by the verdict of the Court of Arbitration.

End Notes

  1. Indus Waters Treaty, 1960.
  2. The United States and the Negotiation of the Indus Waters Treaty- Dr. David R Stone- journal of the United Service Institution of India, Vol.CXL.No. 579, January-March, 2010.
  3. Water Project Series. –Settlement of International and interstate water disputes in India- B.R.Chouhan,1992 (Indian Law Institute)
  4. PCA Press Release- Indus Waters Kishanganga Arbitration (India vs. Pakistan), The Hague, February 19,2013.
  5. India’s water war against Pakistan- Ahmed Quraishi-Hilal (English)- September,2013.
  6. Empires of the Indus- Alice Albinia- John Murray-Hachette India
  7. David Zhang- Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, USA, December,2007
  8. UN-Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969.  

China's Liquid Bombs

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Countering China’s liquid bomb
Wednesday, 10 December 2014
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The proposed river projects by the Chinese have raised concerns. India does not have any water-sharing agreement with China except for a joint declaration for sharing hydrological data, which is not adequate to address concerns

After years of continued denial on its plans to   construct projects on the Brahmaputra river (YarlungTsangpo) in Tibet, China has now confirmed the completion of the Zangmu dam in the middle reaches of the river, for which construction had begun in 2010.
According to a recent report in China’s official Xinhua news agency, the first generating unit of the $1.5 billion hydropower station (510MW) has become operational and five other stations are expected to be completed next year.
Zangmu is the first of the four projects planned by the Chinese authorities on the Brahmaputra to harness the power potential of the river. The proposed projects have raised many concerns for India though China has been repeatedly assuring us that its projects being small run-of-the-river schemes, would not have any impact on the downstream areas as they have taken a ‘responsible attitude’ to cross border development.
China has every right to build dams in their territory and we cannot dispute their right to do so. But what should actually worry India is the  adverse effect of these projects on the downstream flow pattern. China can control upstream river flow to suit its hydropower generation and irrigation demands.
Presently, India does not  have any water-sharing agreement with China except for a joint declaration for sharing hydrological data, which is not adequate to address these concerns. Hence, we have to be prepared to meet the situations arising out of these developments and we need to take suitable action.
One anticipated impact  on India because of these projects is likely the reduction in downstream flow during the lean season (October-April) which would adversely affect our power generation schemes.  According to the studies, the non-monsoon yield of the river at our  project site is 33 billion cubic metres of which 22 billion cubic metres is contributed by the Chinese catchment, which amounts to  about 70 per cent.
Hence if they hold up this water, water availability for our projects would be reduced drastically necessitating partial closure of the projects during this period. Also if the Chinese operate their projects indiscriminately, it would cause heavy water level fluctuations in the downstream stretch, necessitating our small projects to shut down.
Another impact due to the Chinese projects is the possible downstream flooding in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam due to simultaneous release of heavy  flow of water from the upstream projects either due to safety considerations or otherwise.
Our experience in the year 2000 due to floods in the Brahmaputra caused by the failure of a blockage across the river channel in Tibet should be an eye-opener in this regard. Also since most of our strategically important cities are located on the south bank of the river, when the river is flooded, our links to the north bank will get severed. Thereby,   from defence point of view, this will affect, the logistic support to our borders with China in Arunachal Pradesh.
At present, there is no major storage dam on the Brahmaputra in our territory. If we have one such dam, storage will be made available and we will be able to deal with the reduction in flows during the lean season and also prevent water level fluctuations in the river to facilitate  our projects. Further, the capacity provided could absorb heavy floods as and when they occur due to the Chinese reservoir operations.
In the wake of the 2000 floods, experts had proposed a high dam with a storage capacity of about 16 billion cubic metres across the Siang (Brahmaputra) which could facilitate generationof10,000MWpower.  However, it appears that the Centre has ignored this high dam project due to pressure from some environment and other lobbies and is only proposing to take up two small projects.
It is needless to stress the need for a high dam project across the Brahmaputra in view of the damming spree being planned by our neighbour in their reach of the river.  Though China has been assuring us that their projects would not cause any harm on downstream river flow, we have to remain prepared to face adverse situations as and when they occur.
The project would be strategically important to provide logistic support to our border areas in Arunachal Pradesh. It is necessary to fast track the needed clearances for  expeditiously implementing the project as is being done for the border roads.
Instead of opting for constructing two small capacity dams with limited storage to appease the self appointed environmentalists and activists, India should construct the Siang high dam project urgently to face the threats from liquid bombs surreptitiously being built across the Brahmaputra by our neighbour.
(The writer is a former Member Secretary, Indian National Committee on Irrigation and Drainage, Central Water Commission)

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Brahmaputhra Strategic Dam


The Pioneer
Dams have much strategic value
Friday, 20 June 2014
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The idea of leaving a better planet for the next generation is adorable, but not at the cost of wiping out the present generation
As per media reports, the Union Government has  eased green norms for building strategically important infrastructure projects along India's  border with China. This decision will give a major boost to the construction of a number of border road projects etc that have been awaiting environmental clearances for long.
While China has built roads and airports along the Line of Actual Control, to provide  uninterrupted logistical support to its troops, India is struggling to cope up with the pace of construction in the border areas due to objections mainly from the environmental lobby. Surprisingly, the Siang high dam project (Brahmaputra), and the Khab project (Sutlej) planned to contain the disastrous floods from the Tibetan rivers, do not find a place in this list of projects.
The need for considering dams built on trans-boundary rivers as strategically important structures, arises due to the fact that China is presently on a dam-building spree to meet its increasing water and energy needs. India cannot afford to ignore the security threats associated with dam failures in the Tibet region, a reason adequate to justify inclusion of our dam projects in the list. We had already experienced in August 2000 such a situation created by the Tibetan rivers both in Himachal Pradesh and Haryana due to Sutlej floods, and in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam due to a flooded Brahmaputra, for want of flood control dams downstream of these rivers in India.
China is reportedly planning a cascade of five dams across the Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra) for power generation. Another major project, the Shuomatan project (the Great Bend Project), near the border, is also being planned to divert annually 17 billion cubic metres of the Brahmaputra waters in the ultimate stage, to northern China.
India has no right to object to the construction of water resource projects by China within the latter’s territory, as there are no river water sharing agreements between the two countries, except for an ‘understanding' for exchange of river flow data. Though China has assured us that these are not storage projects and, hence, will not affect the river flows downstream in India, we have to be concerned since the Chinese interventions in these rivers could affect our projects and habitats.
The existing ‘understanding’ is not adequate to take care of such Indian concerns. Hence construction of dam projects in India is an urgent  necessity. We cannot just depend on the assurances of our neighbour. Once strategic importance is given to these projects, approvals will come through fast and implementation will be better. The projects will not languish, awaiting environmental and other clearances, as is happening now.
In this connection, the experience of Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Thailand, the co-basin states in the Mekong basin, due to upstream Chinese hydro-projects, should be an eye opener for India. Though these states protested against China’s indiscriminate upstream reservoir operations which upset their agriculture and other activities, and sudden gate openings which resulted in floods and devastation downstream, China did not bother about the objections raised by these states and even of the Mekong River Commission, stating that it is not a member of the Commission.
Likewise, India could also be at the receiving end. Chinese reservoir operations for hydro-power generation or for water diversions, would cause high river water level fluctuations downstream necessitating closure of our existing hydro-projects during that period. Also when they release heavy flood flows by opening all the gates of their dam structures, vast areas downstream in India would be devastated. Unfortunately, we have no large reservoirs downstream that reach the international rivers like Brahmaputra, to absorb the water level fluctuations and to contain the floods from upstream so as to protect our projects and habitats.
Though Indian experts had prepared detailed project plans for major dams on these rivers with adequate flood storage provisions, due to the insistence of the environmental lobby that the dam projects should be dropped to keep the river reaches  free to ensure the river ecology and biodiversity all the way down, the Government is going slow even in clearing these projects for implementation.
Considering the strategic importance of these projects, the Siang high dam project (Brahmaputra) and the Khab hydro project (Sutlej) should also be treated as strategically important projects for fast-track clearance and expeditious implementation  instead of the authorities labouring under an ideology induced myopia.
The lofty ideal of leaving a better planet for the future generation is certainly adorable, but not at the cost of wiping out the present generation through devastating floods and sufferings. 





Mullaperiyar dam- Interstate Distrust

THE PIONEER


OLD DAM FUELS INTER-STATE DISTRUST
Tuesday, 20 May 2014

 MS Menon 


The stalemate over the Mullaperiyar dam is due to a lack of trust — Kerala in unsure of its neighbour's assurances on dam safety while Tamil Nadu worries that Kerala may renege on promises made in 1886


The Mullaperiyar dam dispute between Tamil Nadu and Kerala is back in the news with the Supreme court’s recent verdict on reservoir levels and safety of the structure. The apex court has allowed Tamil Nadu to raise the storage level of the dam from 136 ft to 142 ft, invalidating Kerala’s Irrigation and Water Conservation (Amendment) Act, 2006, which limited the maximum water level in the dam to 136 ft due to dam safety considerations.
The dispute between the States on Mullaperiyar project is a unique one since it is not an inter-State river water dispute over sharing the waters of a river, but over the safety of the dam. The  century-old dam is situated in Kerala while the reservoir operations are carried out by Tamil Nadu as per an agreement signed in 1886 between the Madras Presidency (now Tamil Nadu) and Travancore State (now Kerala). Tamil Nadu had objected to Kerala’s Dam Safety Act and had approached the apex court for its invalidation.
According to the stand taken by Kerala justifying its Act of 2006, the dam built in 1895 using the then available technology was not safe as it had shown signs of distress during the flood seasons in the past. Hence, a new structure to replace the existing one is absolutely necessary to ensure safety of the people living downstream. Kerala was willing to construct the project and provide water as per the 1886 treaty, honouring all the provisions made therein.
However, Tamil Nadu wanted the court’s permission to raise the water level in the dam to 142 ft from the existing level (136 ft) to meet its own irrigation needs. According to Tamil Nadu experts, the dam was structurally sound and needed only some strengthening. There was no need for replacement.
The judicial verdict is based on the findings of an empowered committee appointed by the court, confirming the dam as safe on structural, hydrological and seismic considerations. The Committee had also suggested two alternatives — a new dam, if the States agree, or a new tunnel at a specific location to evacuate water when the dam is under strain.
In this connection, it will be worthwhile to examine the present status of some other such dams in the country constructed during the same period as the Mullaperiyar and using similar construction materials and technology.
The century-old anicut across the Godavari river at Dhowleswaram in Andhra Pradesh constructed in 1852, had, for decades, continued to deliver the benefits of irrigation, navigation etc but was replaced by the Dhowles- waram barrage in 1982. Likewise, the old anicut across the Krishna river at Vijayawada in Andhra Pradesh, constructed in 1855 was also replaced by the new Prakasam barrage. The old Jobra anicut across the Mahanadi river at Cuttack in Odisha, constructed in the 19th century, was also replaced by the Mahanadi barrage.
Though the old structures were considered safe, the authorities still replaced them to ensure that people living downstream feel safe and continued to get irrigation and drinking water without fail.
In view of these precedents, the proposals for repairs etc for the Mullaperiyar project should be considered only as a short-term measure to ensure the safety of the old dam. In the long term, the structure will have to be replaced by a new one.
This is mainly because, during the monsoons, people settled in the valley will continue to be worried about their safety, living under the ominous presence of an aged dam while facing tremors and landslides frequently. They are not convinced about the dam’s safety due to conflicting views expressed by experts on the findings of the court-appointed empowered committee. Hence, until a new structure replaces the existing one, prolonged legal and political battles on the dam can be expected to continue.
The stalemate in the situation is presently due to lack of trust between the contending parties — Kerala in unsure of its neighbour’s assurances on dam safety, and Tamil Nadu worries that Kerala may renege on its promises on the treaty provisions. Hence the Centre has to urgently intervene to defuse the situation and bring the contending parties together for negotiations.
To allay the fears of Kerala, its proposal for a new dam can be considered. And, to remove the suspicions and satisfy the requirements of Tamil Nadu, the Centre can offer to set up a control board for the operation and maintenance of the new dam, on the lines of the Tungabhadra Control Board under the Union Ministry of Water Resources. Such an arrangement is sure to bring about a lasting solution to this continuing dispute.



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OUR COLUMNISTS

Indus Water Treaty needs Relook

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COLUMNISTS
INDUS WATER TREATY NEEDS RELOOK
Wednesday, 27 November 2013 | MS Menon | in Oped
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India should not allow Pakistan to sabotage its hydro-power projects any further by using provisions of of a pact that have become fit for the archives. New Delhi has, unfortunately, been too indulgent


With the final verdict of the International Court of Arbitration on the Kishanganga  Project dispute expected within a month, Pakistan has unleashed a media blitz through its official military magazine,Hilal, alleging India is violating the provisions of the Indus Waters  Treaty to strangulate Pakistan with water shortage.
The CoA, in its interim award (February 2013) had permitted India to proceed with KHP on 2 conditions : (1) When operating it, India has to maintain a minimum flow in the river, and (2) India should not operate the reservoir below the dead storage level even to flush out the deposited silt.
India is happy that the court made it accountable only for the total flows in the Jhelum river system and not in an individual stream like the Kishanganga and upheld the right to divert water within the basin. However, it is unhappy with the condition of maintaining minimum flows which could affect the economics of project operation, and the restriction on reservoir operations which could shorten the life of the project by silting.
Pakistan is desperate. Hence it has initiated the media war,  blaming India for causing hardship to its farmers, though it is aware that the scarcity happened solely due to mismanagement of its water resources. It hopes that such an action would get them  the support of India-baiters who would jump into the fray to ignite the incendiary hydropolitics and tarnish India's image using information, misinformation and even information derived from questionable sources. 
These detractors were ready to oblige Pakistan as expected. They floated a concept of ‘manipulable storage’ of 1700 million cubic metres  as the available reservoir capacity in the Indian projects on the Chenab river. They warned that with this capacity India could withhold 40 days of  river flow during lean season and deprive the lower riparian its much needed water. However,  the assumptions used in computing the estimate are found to be questionable and the result derived therefrom are highly exaggerated. For example, the ‘manipulable storage’ estimated in the 390 MW Dulhasti project in the Chenab using the same logic is 95mcm, whereas the gross storage provided in the project is only about 9mcm — one tenth of the computed value!
Also, in projects like Baglihar, quoted by Hilal, there has, so far,  been no report of water shortage downstream. Further, the presumption that India would first deplete all its storage to refill the reservoirs with the lean season flows to spite Pakistan, ignoring the substantial revenue loss of millions of dollars it would suffer by shutting down power generation during this exercise, does not stand to reason.
This is not the first time these critics have vilified India for ‘harassing’ Pakistan. Upset with the decision of the ‘neutral expert’ on the Baglihar project, some of them had accused India for filling Baglihar reservoir to cause water scarcity in Pakistan. They were aware that India had to complete this task  during the permitted monsoon period  for commissioning the project.
Also water downstream was  never in short supply then and even the One of Pakistan’s Ministers had  lamented about water wastage by local farmers. Nevertheless, Islamabad made a hue and cry on India’s action then. Even now, it continues to be afflicted by bouts of amnesia and suffers from an ideology-induced myopia regarding the ground realities.
The final court verdict is expected to uphold the  principles enshrined in the treaty, ie, optimum development and utilisation of the Indus waters and it is to be hoped that the CoA would not to impose any restriction to affect  the economic viability of the projects planned. However, Pakistan is certain to continue to create hassles for India over the latter’s projects.
Now, China has also staked its rights on the Indus waters by constructing the Zada Gorge project in upper Sutlej  and Senge Ali project in the upper Indus, (western Tibet), a situation not anticipated in the Indus Water Treaty of 1960. These interventions would drastically reduce the river flows downstream, upsetting the working of the treaty. However, China is not concerned with the treaty, as it is not a party to it. If the river flows downstream get affected, Pakistan and their sympathisers  would still continue their vituperative attacks on India.
The operation of the treaty for the last five decades has revealed that it has only perpetuated the Indus dispute. It could survive all these years  because India willingly acquiesced to the tantrums of its neighbour. With China entering the scene, it is now time for India to insist on a review of the treaty. If Pakistan does not cooperate, India should invoke  Article 62 of the Vienna Convention on Law of Treaties, 1969, which permits terminating or withdrawing from the treaty due to fundamental change of circumstances. India should not allow Pakistan to sabotage its projects any further by using provisions of a treaty that have become fit for the archives. 
(The writer is a former Member Secretary, Indian National Committee on Irrigation and Drainage, Central Water Commission)  



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